As of January 3, 2023, the Republicans were supposed to control the
United States House of Representatives by a slim majority. On that
date, many expected that the task of electing a new Speaker and moving
forward with the business of “the people” in the House would start under
Republican party control. But as of January 6, 2023, those elected to
serve in the House have not selected a Speaker and so the House has not
been organized nor undertaken regular operations. National news reports
indicate that the presumptive Republican Speaker so far has fallen
short in getting the required number of votes in part because
approximately 20 Republicans who were elected in November have refused
to vote for McCarty and no other individual has demonstrated enough
votes to get the position.
One of the issues that is being discussed is whether any of those who
have refused to support McCarthy in the 11 votes taken as of January
5th have broken a promise, perhaps a campaign promise, to do so. It is
an active discussion over what was promised and whether there are any
valid justifications for withholding support if a promise was made.
Indeed, at least in Nashville, the talk radio shows are expending a
great amount of time reviewing this issue because there is a
Congressman-elect from Tennessee who is part of the story.
Certainly,
promises are important. Furthermore, broken promises may even be more
significant, particularly if those broken promises evidence a pattern
of such. But how are these circumstances surrounding Congress relevant
to making policy in Tennessee such that it is something that Tennessee’s
2nd Amendment supporters and conservatives should evaluate?
Tennessee
Firearms Association has been advocating for the full restoration of
the prohibitions mandated by the 2nd Amendment now for almost 3 decades
in Tennessee. When it started, the Legislature was controlled by
Democrats. Some of the Democrats campaigned as rural conservatives and
would say that they supported the Second Amendment and many would
promote that they were NRA members or had good scores from the NRA.
However, a good number of Democrats, particularly the progressives and
many of the urban Democrats did not claim to be Second Amendment
supporters. Fine, as long as they were truthful about their positions
such that the voters knew where they stood it was the candidates’
choices and the voters’ options on whether to elect someone to represent
them that supported the Second Amendment. In contrast to the
Democrats, most Republican candidates in the state would assert that
they supported the Second Amendment, that they were NRA members, and
that they had favorable ratings or endorsements from the NRA. To this
point, the circumstances align with the question now arising relative to
the House of Representative’s “McCarthy” vote on were campaign promises
or any promises of support made.
Next, consider whether
promises made were promises kept, and if not why not, which seems to be
what is being so intensely discussed among conservatives and the talk
shows.
Plenty has been said and heard in the last week about the
situation in the U.S. House of Representatives but very little has been
examined about the Second Amendment promises in Tennessee.
From
1995, when TFA started its advocacy, until November 2010, the Democrats
predominately controlled the Tennessee Legislature. Some Democrats
campaigned that they would support the Second Amendment, some did not.
So, it is not surprising that the Second Amendment’s “shall not be
infringed” mandate was disregarded by some Legislators who never
promised to support it. Then there are those who campaigned on the
vague assurance of supporting the Second Amendment but never really
articulated what they thought the Second Amendment meant or what the
phrase “shall not be infringed” required.
But the uncertainty of
the scope of the Second Amendment substantially eroded in 2008 when the
United States Supreme Court ruled in
Heller
that the Second Amendment protected an individual right to keep and
bear arms. From that point forward, promising to support the Second
Amendment and taking an official oath of office to uphold the
constitution no longer could be breached on the excuse of “I did not
realize it meant you had a personal, individual right to carry a firearm
for self-defense”.
The uncertainty reduced further in 2010 when the United States Supreme Court ruled in
McDonald
that the Second Amendment, by virtue of the “incorporation doctrine” of
the 14th Amendment, mandate that the right to keep and bear arms shall
not be infringed was fully applicable to the states. That meant, even
if a state had a constitution that vested regulatory authority in the
Legislature and even if the state had statutory or regulatory
restrictions on individuals who could carry firearms or where they could
carry them, that those state provisions were unconstitutional if they
were a violation of the Second Amendment’s “shall not be infringed”
mandate. Most of Tennessee’s gun laws fall into this category.
Any
claimed continuing confusion about the scope of the Second Amendment
further eroded in 2022 with the United States Supreme Court’s decision
in
Bruen which held
that any state laws or regulations which are more restrictive than the
laws and restrictions on keeping and bearing and wearing arms that
existed in 1791 (when the Second Amendment was ratified) are
presumptively unconstitutional and the burden is on the government to
prove otherwise.
So, setting aside the era prior to 2008 to
eliminate quibbling over “what does the Second Amendment mean”, let’s
examine the campaign promises that have been made since 2008. That is
particularly relevant since Tennessee has had 2 Republican governors and
a Republican super majority in the Legislature since 2010.
Although
it may not be 100%, a high percentage of Republican candidates for
office in Tennessee since 2008 have campaigned that they are supporters
of and will support the Second Amendment. Many expressly campaigned on
enacting constitutional carry, on eliminating gun free zones, and on
removing restrictions on the right of Tennesseans and those in Tennessee
to carry a firearm for self defense. Bill Lee, when he ran for
governor in 2018, put his promises in
writing. When he ran for re-election in 2022, he
claimed on his campaign website that he had “expanded” rights in Tennessee with the passage of “Constitutional Carry”.
Many of these campaign promises have been broken – in ways perhaps
similar to the current uproar over what is happening concerning the
promises made concerning supporting Kevin McCarthy. Yet, there is
little discussion of
these broken promises by voters or talk radio.
The fact is that Tennessee as of January 6, 2023, clearly
does not have constitutional carry.
Some Legislators know that and are working (and have been working) to
change that. To that extent, they are working to keep their campaign
promises and to honor their principles of constitutional stewardship,
and TFA applauds that effort. But, with 13 years of Republican super
majority control of the Tennessee Legislature, there simply is not a
majority in the Legislature who have been willing to honor the campaign
promises about supporting the Second Amendment or enacting
constitutional carry.
Indeed, the Second Amendment is not
limited to the issue of constitutional carry. It also covers the
ability to exercise that right. So, as the United States Supreme Court
examined in
Bruen,
state and local laws that impose restrictions on what you can carry,
when you can carry and where you can carry are also subject to
constitutional scrutiny as to what was the “national tradition” of
regulation as of 1791. In that context, Tennessee’s “handgun only”
restriction is likely unconstitutional. Tennessee’s permit laws may be
unconstitutional as a requirement. Tennessee’s prohibition on those who
are 18-20 years old from carrying a firearm is likely unconstitutional.
Tennessee’s prohibition on those with prior convictions (especially
nonviolent felony and any misdemeanor convictions) is likely
unconstitutional. Tennessee’s regulatory prohibition of having a gun
anywhere near a school or a child care facility (a state regulation by
an agency) is likely unconstitutional. Tennessee’s prohibition on
firearms in parks, greenways, campgrounds, civic centers and
recreational areas is likely unconstitutional. Tennessee’s prohibition
on consuming alcohol while possessing a firearm is likely
unconstitutional. Tennessee’s criminal prosecution for those who carry
of “posted property” is likely unconstitutional. Indeed, it could be
concluded that many of Tennessee’s existing “gun laws” laws are
unconstitutional at least to the extent that similar laws did not exist
at the time that the Second Amendment was adopted in 1791.
The
Second Amendment says “shall not be infringed”. In contrast, it is
important to understand that under Tennessee law – the entire state is
defined as a gun free zone, including all personal real property, by
Tennessee Code Annotated § 39-17-1307(a)(1). The fact that your home,
your farm, your place of business are defined as “gun free zones” – FOR
YOU – by the state is proven by the fact that state law makes it an
affirmative defense, and puts the burden on you, to prove that you on
your own property or in your own home at the time that you were carrying
a firearm “with the intent to go armed.” See, Tennessee Code
Annotated § 39-17-1308.
As we look forward to the 2023
Legislative session under Republican super majorities in both the House
and the Senate, we need to carefully monitor actions and compare them to
prior promises. It is time to remind those elected stewards of their
promises, their oaths of office and the Second Amendment’s mandate so
that at the end of the 2023 Legislative session any unconstitutional
state or local laws and regulations are not longer operating as an
infringement on your civil rights. It is also time to take inventory of
who has made promises in the past, and whether they have been kept.