Subject: Trendspotting: When Unions Resist Unions For Their Own Employees: LRI INK

June 20, 2024

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Trendspotting: When Unions Resist Unions For Their Own Employees

by Kimberly Ricci

It’s been a few moments since we last gathered instances of unions’ unclean hands that don’t quite qualify as textbook cases of United Auto Workers-levels of union corruption but still do not present a great look for organizations that claim to represent workers’ interests.

 

Those previous examples included Workers United/SEIU’s hypocritical ties with a bank that funds non-progressive causes, accusations that the ACLU illegally fired a worker who voiced concerns about working conditions, and the SEIU being exposed for pushing back against its own workers’ efforts to form a union.

 

There's a growing discontent among labor union employees towards their own unions. It's a trend that's hard to ignore.

 

For example: 

  • The United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) was found by the NLRB to have committed a buffet of unfair labor practices against its staffers. Those workers are also members of the Federation of Agents & International Representatives Union (FAIR), who complained that UFCW Local 7 was guilty of bad faith bargaining, willy-nilly modification of work policies, retaliating against union members, and delaying worker-grievance filings.

  • The UFCW is also currently embroiled in accusations from the UFCW Guild, affiliated with the CWA and made up of 50 of the UFCW’s own workers. They alleged that the union delivered a “last, best, and final proposal” without substantive changes from the preceding version and “refused to schedule additional bargaining sessions until we voted…...again.” Those members also went on a one-day strike to demand better wages and paid sick leave.

  • A SEIU-United Healthcare Workers local’s own workers voted to join the CWA-affiliated Washington-Baltimore News Guild and alleged that the SEIU pushed back hard against the organizing campaign. The union’s staffers seek the same "healthcare benefits that many of our members have won in their own contracts.”

  • The National Education Association has been condemned by the NEA Staff Union for offering raises that add up to less than $20 per paycheck. These workers are now working on an expired contract and accused the NEA of delaying a weekend bargaining session and leaving members to literally sit at the bargaining table for an entire day before postponing until Monday. NEA staff union members have also authorized a strike while accusing the NEA of hypocritically wielding an “anti-worker playbook against us.”

These unions display a “for thee but not for me” stance when they do not want to answer to a union for their own employees. It’s not entirely surprising to see unions behave in hypocritical ways, but it does beg the question of anyone whose workplace is being targeted for union organizing:

 

Why do union employees feel the need to seek protection from their labor union employers?

Biden Administration's Labor Policy Faces a Bumpy Ride in Court

by Michael VanDervort

The Biden administration has been trying to expand labor policies and strengthen so-called “worker protections” through agency fiat, but it’s hitting some serious legal roadblocks lately. High-profile cases involving Starbucks, SpaceX, and Amazon spotlight the challenges faced by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), revealing just how messy and contentious the path to expanding a robust pro-union agenda can be.


Supreme Court Puts Starbucks Case on Ice

The Supreme Court recently overturned a lower court’s decision that ordered Starbucks to reinstate the "Memphis Seven," employees terminated during a unionization drive. Justice Clarence Thomas laid out a stricter four-factor test for issuing "10(j) injunctions," which temporarily halt unfair labor practices while the NLRB sorts things out.


This ruling makes it harder to secure these injunctions, slowing down the administration's efforts to swiftly tackle alleged unfair labor practices. Labor advocates have expressed frustration, seeing this as a significant blow to “worker protections.”


We checked in with labor relations expert Phil Wilson for his take on the ruling:

“I'd call this more of a Seinfeld decision—it’s mostly about nothing. It does make it somewhat more difficult for the General Counsel to get an injunction, but I don't think it will make it less likely they'll seek injunctive relief,” Wilson said. “After all, many Circuits currently follow the four-prong approach adopted by the Supreme Court, and the NLRB seeks injunctions in those jurisdictions all the time. I don’t think it should alter employer behavior at all. Employers should continue respecting employee rights to engage in concerted activity and feel comfortable following neutral company policies.”


SpaceX Challenges the NLRB’s Constitutionality

SpaceX is throwing a wrench in the works with its challenge to the NLRB’s constitutionality. The company’s appeal in the Fifth Circuit argues that the NLRB’s structure violates the separation of powers and the Seventh Amendment’s guarantee of a jury trial. Recently, the Fifth Circuit allowed SpaceX to continue its challenge, rejecting an NLRB motion to pause the appeal.

SpaceX claims the NLRB mixes legislative, executive, and judicial powers in a way that breaches constitutional lines. If SpaceX prevails, the fallout could significantly reshape the administration’s ability to enforce labor laws through the NLRB.


Amazon Dodges Labor Law Compliance Order

Amazon recently won a significant victory in the Second Circuit, which voided a broad order demanding the company comply with federal labor laws. The case involved Gerald Bryson, fired after organizing protests about Amazon's COVID-19 safety protocols. The NLRB had initially ruled his firing illegal, but Amazon fought back, arguing that the injunction was excessive and lacked proper justification.


The Second Circuit agreed with Amazon, highlighting the increasing judicial scrutiny of the NLRB’s actions and the high bar for justifying these injunctions.


Unions Push Back on Joint Employer Rulemaking

Adding another layer of complexity, unions are urging the NLRB to stop attempting to regulate joint employer classifications through rulemaking. The AFL-CIO and SEIU petitioned the board to revoke a Trump-era rule that narrows the scope of joint employer status, arguing it conflicts with common law and undermines the National Labor Relations Act.


The NLRB tried to broaden these categories, but a Texas federal judge declared the new rule too broad. The unions now want the NLRB to handle joint employer issues on a case-by-case basis, which they believe is better suited for these complex determinations.


What’s Next for Biden's Labor Policy?

These recent court battles highlight the rocky road ahead for the Biden administration’s attempts to expand labor policy favorable to unions. The Supreme Court’s demand for stricter standards on injunctions, SpaceX's constitutional challenge, and the Second Circuit’s call for detailed justifications all point to a more challenging environment for the administration’s pro-union agenda. Ongoing disputes over joint employer rules further complicate the landscape.


Buckle up—the ride through the courts is bound to get even bumpier.

Legal Recess: A Look At Public-And-Private Sector Attorney Unionization

by Kimberly Ricci

This week, the Justice Department experienced an organizing “first” when a group of Environment and Natural Resources Division trial attorneys revealed their intent to petition for a vote to join the National Treasury Employees Union (NTEU). This could affect up to 350 attorneys, and although plenty of public-sector lawyers already belong to unions – the NTEU represents attorneys from the EPA – it’s uncharted DOJ territory. 

 

What do these lawyers want from a union? It’s complicated.

 

These federal employees have raised concerns about scheduling logistics, including the topic of return-to-office mandates. AI jitters have also spread to the legal realm, and the NTEU is pushing “to ensure they have a say in DOJ protocols for attorneys using artificial intelligence to write briefs and other legal documents.” 

 

Additionally, these litigators say they want protection against politically motivated retaliation and termination in case an incoming president revives a directive that eases the path to firing federal workers. That desire for protection is understandable, although it is unlikely that a union could follow through on those guarantees with more than broken promises. 

 

How common is unionizing among attorneys? 

 

Among the public sector, it’s not infrequent, and attorneys are often affiliated with the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers (IFPTE), which has organized a variety of legal nonprofits, including attorneys and paralegals, as well as federal agency judges. The UAW also has its claws in this industry. In 2023, 1,000 attorneys represented by the UAW-affiliated Association of Legal Aid Attorneys went on strike in NYC for higher pay and protections against overwork and burnout.  In May 2024, Over 100 attorneys, paralegals, and support staff with the nonprofit legal services provider Mobilization for Justice (MFJ) reached a contract agreement that ended a 13-week strike

 

In private practice, unionizing workplaces is an outlier practice that depends on a firm’s size and area of practice. This year, Outten & Golden—a mid-sized law firm representing plaintiffs, including unions, in employment-focused litigation—voluntarily recognized a CWA-affiliated union formed by 24 of 65 associate attorneys looking for work-life balance.

 

In Big Law, associate-attorney unionization is even less of a practice. The reasons for that difference are nuanced but primarily revolve around large corporate firm associates realizing what comes with the territory before taking the job, including work hours, on-call availability to clients, and intense stress in a position that attracts type-A personalities. Professor Eli Wald recently told Bloomberg Law these requirements aren’t “something that would likely change via collective bargaining because it’s a fundamental feature of the industry.”

 

Big Law incomes—$200K annually is considered a median entering salary for associates—are also a deterrent to organizing, as is the competitive nature of securing these jobs in the first place. Minimal potential benefit exists for these associates to gain anything from a union, especially if they aim to level up to partnership and become part-owners of a firm. 

The Left Of Boom Show – Modern Labor Challenges With Jon Hyman

by Michael VanDervort

In this episode of the Left of Boom Show, we welcome Jon Hyman, a seasoned employment and labor attorney with over 25 years of experience, to the Left of Boom Show. As the leader of the Employment & Labor Practice Group at Wickens Herzer Panza, Jon brings a wealth of knowledge on a range of employment and labor law issues.


We dive into the hot topics of the day, starting with the Supreme Court’s decision involving Starbucks and the Memphis 7. We also chat about the recent legal battles involving Amazon, including the US Court of Appeals’ decision to throw out a cease-and-desist order against the company. This leads us into a conversation about the challenges the NLRB faces with 10-j injunctions and what it all means in the broader context of labor relations.


With the Chevron doctrine possibly going away soon, Jon explains why this matters and how it could impact agencies like the NLRB, EEOC, and DOL. We also touch on Anchor Brewing and the complexities of asset purchases and union recognition.


Jon then shares the story behind the “Worst Employers List,” why he created it as part of his blog, and why it remains relevant today.

We wrap up with some fun, talking about Jon’s summer adventures with his daughter Norah, a memorable encounter with Rhett Miller of the Old 97’s, and Jon’s love for Portugal.


Join us for an insightful yet relaxed conversation that blends professional expertise with personal stories, offering valuable takeaways for anyone navigating the modern workplace.

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About Labor Relations INK

Labor Relations INK is published weekly and is edited by Labor Relations Institute, Inc. Feel free to pass this newsletter on to anyone you think might enjoy it. New subscribers can sign up by visiting here.


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Contributing editors for this issue: Greg Kittinger, Michael VanDervort, and Kimberly Ricci.


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About Labor Relations Institute

LRI exists to help our clients thrive and become extraordinary workplaces. We improve the lives of working people by strengthening relationships with their leaders and each other. For over 41 years, LRI has led the labor and employee relations industry, driven by our core values and our proven process, the LRI Way.

 

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