Subject: Get the Inside Scoop: LRI RightNow's 2024 Q1 Petitions and Elections Review is Here! : LRI INK

April 4, 2024

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Get the Inside Scoop: LRI RightNow's 2024 Q1 Petitions and Elections Review is Here!

by Michael VanDervort

Hey there! If you're into the nitty-gritty of labor relations or just curious about the latest in representation and decertification elections, you're in for a treat. LRI RightNow has just dropped its newly updated 2024 Q1 Petitions and Elections Review, and it's packed with all the insights you could ask for. Let's dive into what makes this report a must-have for anyone following labor trends.


What's Inside the Report?

This isn't your average, dry report. LRI RightNow has gone all out to make the 2024 Q1 Review informative and super accessible. Here's a sneak peek at what you'll find inside:


The Full Picture

Prepare for comprehensive summaries and totals on the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) Petitions and Elections filings. Whether it's representation (RC), decertification (RD), or Employer (RM) petitions and elections, this report has got you covered with all the key figures and outcomes for Q1 2024.


Visuals That Speak Volumes

Who said data must be boring? The report is loaded with easy-to-understand charts and visuals, making it a breeze to catch up on the latest trends and data points without getting lost in a sea of numbers.


Deep Dives

LRI RightNow doesn't just scratch the surface. The report offers detailed analyses of RC, RD, and RM petitions and elections by NLRB region, state, and industry. Plus, it breaks down the action by unit size and highlights the most active unions. It's like getting a backstage pass to the labor relations scene.


New Additions

For the first time, the review also includes data for employer (RM) petitions and elections, giving you the whole picture with no stone left unturned.


Why You'll Love This Report

Beyond just the facts and figures, the LRI RightNow 2024 Q1 Petitions/Elections Review is a treasure trove of insights that can help you:

  • Strategize Like a Pro: This report gives you the data to make informed decisions and plan your next moves.

  • Benchmark and Learn: Compare your experiences with the broader trends to see where you stand.

  • Boost Your Knowledge: Perfect for both professionals and newcomers to the field, this report is a fantastic educational tool, offering a real-world look at labor relations today.

Grab Your Copy!

Priced at just $150.00, the LRI RightNow 2024 Q1 Petitions/Elections Review is your ticket to staying ahead in the fast-paced world of labor relations. Whether you're deep in the trenches of labor law, a labor relations strategist, or just keen to learn more about this fascinating field, this report is packed with the insights you need.

When Union ‘Successes’ Lead To Job Losses, Big Labor Shrugs Its Shoulders And Points Fingers

by Kimberly Ricci

We recently explored how unions cannot protect workers from layoffs but deflect responsibility and claim that “corporate greed” is to blame. That finger-pointing doesn’t stop when job losses result from two types of union activity: (1) Organized lobbying for minimum wage boosts and (2) High-profile contract negotiations.


Let’s recap the recent union responses to both:


SEIU and California’s fast-food raises

On April 1, the state’s fast-food minimum wage soared from $16 to $20 per hour for up to 500,000 workers after extensive lobbying by the SEIU, resulting in AB 1228. Months ago, businesses braced for increased labor costs, with Pizza Hut laying off 1,200 drivers. Several other companies still plan to adjust by freezing hiring, cutting hours, and axing hundreds of jobs. 


The union response: SEIU is denying the simple existence of math. The union insists that the wage boost should not hurt employment because they believe large brands can easily absorb these raises. Yet businesses must make ends meet, and the SEIU’s reasoning also fails to acknowledge that smaller franchisees will shoulder much of the burden for this new law. Those franchisees are now gearing up for political action of their own.


Will there be exemptions? That depends. Gov. Gavin Newsom insisted that zero exemptions would exist, although Panera Bread franchisee Greg Flynn reportedly attempted to qualify for an in-house bakery exclusion. Newsom pushed back, and Panera raised their minimum wage to $20.


A twist: The UNITE-HERE union, which pointed to higher wages for these workers, recommended that an exemption for stadiums and airports be granted.

 

Now for a contract fallout roundup:


UAW vs. Auto Manufacturers

Stellantis announced layoffs of 400 salaried workers due to “unprecedented uncertainties” and the EV transition, although increased labor costs from the Big Three contract negotiations are also to blame.


The union response: Shawn Fain declared that these layoffs “won’t work.” He continued his dream-reality speech: “They don’t have to lay off a single employee. In fact, they could double every autoworker’s pay, not raise car prices, and still rake in billions of dollars.”


Teamsters vs. UPS

The Teamsters claimed a “historic” contract that actually wasn't a win on several negotiating points. Still, the new contract boosted full-time UPS drivers' average total pay and benefits up to $170,000. Five months later, UPS announced 12,000 job cuts. Although reports claimed that layoffs would focus mainly on corporate and administrative jobs, warehouses are cutting entire shifts in Pennsylvania, California, and New York, with whispers that driver cuts are coming in the latter state.


The union response: Workers who have challenged Teamsters brass were told that UPS “has a right” to lay off workers due to falling demand for shipping services in addition to higher labor costs. The Teamsters are also lauding a new agreement with USPS that could bring back some UPS jobs in Louisville, but that won’t be enough to staunch the bleeding. 


WGA vs. Studios

The fallout of the Hollywood strikes is a different beast to nail down. 17% of industry workers reportedly lost jobs during the strikes. Yet the full effects of the new WGA contract's pay boosts will take time to develop. 


Conclusion

Unions primarily care about their own survival, and when their members are laid off due to rising labor costs, workers pay the ultimate price.

The Seismic Labor Law Shift Nobody is Talking About

by Phil Wilson

You probably haven’t heard much about one of the biggest decisions I think is coming in 2024. In Big Green (27-CA-283572), General Counsel Abruzzo is asking the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to reverse its decision in IBM Corp., 341 NLRB 1288 (2004). Although not widely publicized, this decision will impact every workplace investigation in non-union workplaces covered by the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA).


The Background of Big Green

At the heart of Big Green lies the question of whether non-union employees have the right to bring a witness into investigatory interviews — something that today is only required in unionized workplaces. The right to a witness in unionized settings was established in the Supreme Court’s 1975 Weingarten decision (420 U.S. 251). The situation in non-union settings has flip-flopped over the years.


In 1982, the Board extended the Weingarten rule to cover employees in non-union workplaces in Materials Research Corp., 262 N.L.R.B. 1010 (1982). The NLRB held that non-represented employees had the right to request the presence of a coworker in an investigation interview where an employee reasonably believes disciplinary action could result. The Board reversed itself in Sears, Roebuck Co., 274 N.L.R.B. 230 (1985). The Board then re-adopted the right to employee witnesses in non-union locations in Epilepsy Foundation of Northeast Ohio, 268 F.3d 1095 (D.C. Cir. 2001). Finally, in 2004, the Board overturned the Epilepsy Foundation in IBM Corp.


I’m not sure if we’re in a flip or a flop, but if you’re like me, you find that last paragraph dizzying to read. Now, with Big Green briefed and sitting before the NLRB, the potential for another major shift is on the horizon.


Implications of Big Green

Few doubt that the NLRB will adopt the General Counsel’s request to overturn IBM Corp. However, Big Green has the potential to go further than any of these prior decisions. That’s because, in Big Green, the employee initially requested that a union representative witness her investigatory interview.


The NLRB has never ruled that an employee has a right to ask a non-employee to witness their investigatory interview. Could they do so now? There is some reason to believe they could.


In days, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) will publish its final Worker Walkaround Representative Designation Process. This new process clarifies that when OSHA conducts an inspection based on an employee complaint, the employee is allowed to designate their own representative—employee or non-employee—to join the inspection. The rule specifically notes that an employee may designate “a representative from a worker advocacy group, community organization, or labor union” to be their representative during an OSHA inspection.


There remain many questions about this new rulemaking from OSHA, but clearly the precedent has been set at the Department of Labor. If employees want a witness during an OSHA investigation, they can pick a union representative, even if that union does not currently represent those employees. While the NLRB has never found that Section 7 gives employees the right to a non-employee witness during investigatory interviews, the OSHA rulemaking cracks open the door for just such a ruling. It’s a crack in the door the current NLRB majority could crash right through.


A ruling allowing non-employees (whether union organizers or not) to enter an employer’s property and act as witnesses during internal investigations raises all sorts of problems. In addition to an alarming infringement on basic property rights, it causes major anxieties about confidentiality, privacy, and the integrity of internal investigations.


Potential Consequences for Employers and Employees

Employers, especially in non-unionized environments, could face numerous challenges if the NLRB decides to allow employee witnesses. These include:

  • Confidentiality Concerns: The presence of a co-worker could make it harder to maintain the confidentiality of an investigation, potentially leading to leaks of sensitive information. The presence of an outside union organizer with motives far beyond simply witnessing an investigation amplifies this risk. And its recent McLaren Macomb decision shows the current NLRB doesn’t take these confidentiality concerns very seriously.

  • Integrity of Investigations: Employers want to keep investigations private and confidential to protect the integrity of the process. It prevents witnesses from attempting to coordinate stories and makes it harder to find out exactly what happened. This protects perpetrators of workplace discrimination and harassment who want to avoid punishment.

  • Retaliation Risks: In addition to hurting the integrity of investigations, the lack of confidentiality risks increasing workplace tension, where a perpetrator may attempt to harass and intimidate potential witnesses. This is why the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission recommends that workplace investigations remain confidential to the extent possible.

  • Disruptions: Allowing a non-employee witness to investigations could disrupt an investigation and normal business operations. Prior decisions only allowed the employee to ask for a co-worker witness, and they could not pick someone who would unnecessarily delay the investigatory interview. If an employee is allowed to pick someone outside the company (or even pick a witness who isn’t at work), this could disrupt an investigation. Delays in investigations are harmful to the process and create more opportunities to disrupt the integrity of the investigation and increase the risk of retaliation and intimidation. It’s also easy to imagine a union organizer attempting to create additional disruptions if allowed onto the employer's premises during an investigatory interview.

The Road Ahead

Regardless of the outcome, Big Green represents a critical moment in labor law. It illustrates the fundamental tension between expanding employee rights and preserving employer autonomy in conducting internal investigations (not to mention running the rest of its operation).


Big Green is also another example of how the NLRB has evolved into a political body from an expert agency. One thing that frustrates Courts of Appeal is how NLRB decisions flip-flop back and forth depending on who’s in charge. It makes courts less likely to defer to the agency’s interpretation (and is a reason that Chevron deference is likely to fall later this year). In a recent 9th Circuit case, one judge writes with exasperation, “the Board’s “flip-flop problem” creates nationally unstable labor policy, consistent from one state to another but not from one day to the next.” Valley Hospital Medical Center, Inc. v. NLRB (No. 22-1804, February 20, 2024, O’Scannlain concurring).


Big Green is bad policy. Non-union employers today can voluntarily allow employees to bring witnesses into investigations, and many do. Even if they don’t allow witnesses, employers are still obligated to conduct fair investigations, and concerns about the integrity of the investigation can be raised afterward. Allowing non-employees with motives far beyond ensuring the fairness of the investigation (and, in many cases, a motive to disrupt or derail an investigation) is extremely troubling. Hopefully, the NLRB will resist the urge to flip (or is it flop?) once again.

Hot Links


Shaking The Salts: Workers Are Increasingly Sweeping Unions Out The Door, But Could An Act Of Congress Pave The Way?


What employers need to know about union organizing in 2024 

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Unions Seeking to Organize in Nontraditional Industries, Including Financial Services

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U.S. Chamber Expresses Concerns About OSHA Walkaround Rule

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Mercedes workers in Alabama to file for union vote as soon as this week, sources say

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About Labor Relations INK

Labor Relations INK is published weekly and is edited by Labor Relations Institute, Inc. Feel free to pass this newsletter on to anyone you think might enjoy it. New subscribers can sign up by visiting here.


If you use content from this newsletter, please attribute it to Labor Relations Institute and include our website: http://www.LRIonline.com 


Contributing editors for this issue: Phil Wilson, Greg Kittinger, Michael VanDervort, and Kimberly Ricci.


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About Labor Relations Institute

LRI exists to help our clients thrive and become extraordinary workplaces. We improve the lives of working people by strengthening relationships with their leaders and each other. For over 41 years, LRI has led the labor and employee relations industry, driven by our core values and our proven process, the LRI Way.

 

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